UPDATE: just to be clear, the assumptionassumptions here is that any attack is external to the machine's vendor, and therefore, the software written for it by the vendor does exactly what it's supposed to do barring adequately explained by stupidity bugs. There are no clever trojans in the code, there is no attack vector in the compiler used by the vendor. The question's context is defending against an attack by a 3rd party on a perfectly valid functioning machine.:
You can also assume you can trust the checksum signatures on the federal website - why that is the case is irrelevant, but heck, it's as simple as having interns from every party of interest sitting there all election day with printout of original checksum and verifying that the website still matches the printout.
Any attack is external to the machine's vendor, and therefore, the software written for it by the vendor does exactly what it's supposed to do barring adequately explained by stupidity bugs.
There are no clever trojans in the code, there is no attack vector in the compiler used by the vendor. The question's context is defending against an attack by a 3rd party on a perfectly valid functioning machine.
Reasons: because the context in which I asked the question was 3rd party attacks in real life (and not baked in trojans). Also, because otherwise, the question becomes trivial to answer and uninteresting. Of course you can suborn the vendor with enough resources, duh.
You can also assume you can trust the checksum signatures on the federal website - why that is the case is irrelevant, but heck, it's as simple as having interns from every party of interest sitting there all election day with printout of original checksum and verifying that the website still matches the printout.
There were objections raised to assumption that physical security through "obscurity" (or sheer volume) is effective-enough because there are only very few swing precincts. This is actually a valid assumption to make.
Reason: in practical US politics, given the polling margin of error (witness 2016 elections), knowing what the swing states/precincts would be is near impossible. Never mind that in wider-change elections like 2008 or 2016 or 1992, the amount of machines you need to tamper with to actually affect the outcome of electoral college (instead of slightly shift its vote margin) requires TONS of states/precincts to change. 2000 election with Florida's specific precincts was an outlier, not a rule - and even in that election, predicting that Florida would be a swing state with those specific precincts was not easy.